[Understanding the Venezuela Revolution, a Discussion Between Hugo Chavez and Martha Harnecker. Published by Progressive Youth Alliance (AMP) and the Institute for Global Justice (IGJ), February 2007. Reviewed by Zely Ariane.]
"Chavez understands that the people adore him, however he wants to change that love into organisation. According to Chavez, only a revolution can bring Venezuela out of crisis". (Page 18)
Since 1998, the testing of revolutionary theories have discovered a new arena in Venezuela. An arena where peace and democracy has been chosen as principle rules of the game. But peaceful revolution does not mean compromising the take over (read control) of the country's sources of wealth from foreign domination for the sake of a more just distribution of wealth and to increase the people's productivity. Democracy does not end with illusions in the cycle of elections without the real participation of the people, through their organisations, their groups, their thoughts and desires. At least it was these two basic ideas that I drew out of this book.
For many people, revolution, the meaning of which has been increasingly distorted following the fall of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Berlin wall 18 years ago, is seen as passe. Through Hugo Chavez however, the President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, the meaning is reaffirmed by an impressive choice of methods: democracy. There is not one democratic country in the world (even the United States) where the government in power and their polices have been legitimised by as many as eight referendums not ending at the mechanism of representation.
Understanding the Venezuelan Revolution attempts to invite us to be more critical of the present world order, that a new world is not impossible if we actively build it. This book also lays bare the weaknesses and difficulties being confronted by pro-revolutionary governments in the face of unrelenting threats and sabotage from opposition groups (Chapter III and IV), the corporate mass media (Chapter IV) and of course the US, the largest crutch supporting the interests of capital in the world (Chapter V). Although the path of violence may well become an option to overcome this, nevertheless, the resurgence of popular participation through the people's organisations, is a path that was proven to be more effective in 2002 (the return of Chavez after the opposition coup d'etat - page 211) and in 2004 (defeating the recall referendum).
Many news reports accused the Chavez government of being a military dictatorship (because Chavez and the principle supporters of the revolution were the military), but there iis little evidence given to support this. No media was shut down (except for the cancellation of the RCTV station's broadcasting licence which admittedly was shown to have been involved in the April 11, 2002 coup d'etat), popular organisations were instead promoted, referendums were held many times, Trias Politica as the pillar of modern democracy was even added to (General Elections and Citizenship) to become the Penta Politica.
The book, written by Martha Harnecker, appears not to have been written for the layperson. As I have already mentioned, he borrowed from workers and socio-political thinkers (intellectuals, students, activists, teachers, politicians, political party members, historians and so forth) who are honest and concerned about the reality of the lives of the majority of the people who are suffering as the result of prolonged structural poverty. Indirectly Harnecker also tries to express the view that Chavez is the key to understanding the Venezuelan revolution.
The revolution has provided the option of a way out to oppose the dictates of neoliberal policies. Through peaceful and democratic methods, Venezuela has made possible what was impossible for many people, taking control the oil and gas industry, building basic industry under worker's control, distributing the country's wealth, organising the strength of the poor, conducting referendums, paying off the foreign debt, severing relations with International Monetary Fund and so forth.
A revolution of this type has of course reaped controversy within many circles that believe in revolutionary theory. However there has been no break in the revolution, except that it represents a transformation that is not half-hearted (comprehensive) and rooted in reality (Page 70), and not just within the realm of ideas that are struck mute in the face of reality. The revolution by the Venezuelan people is now being regarded as one of the means to be able to change destiny, so they have thronged to defend it. Revolution now means participation, the rising up of the people who reject becoming coolies who are merely valued through the ballot paper. Now they wish to manage their country with their own hands, though a constitution that they themselves enacted. "We cannot make the mistake of taking power away from the people, the source from which we gain our strength" (Page 71), declared Chavez. I think that this is the key to understanding the type of revolution needed to change the world right now.
[Zely Ariane is the coordinator of Indonesian People's Solidarity for an Alternative Latin America (Koordinator Solidaritas Rakyat Indonesia untuk Alternatif Amerika Latin, SERIAL). Translated by James Balowski.]
