Arjuno Welirang – Hundreds of professors, academics, students and civil society activists gathered at the University of Indonesia (UI) Salemba campus in Jakarta on Thursday February 27 to issue the "Second Salemba Call, Free Indonesia from Darkness".
Jakarta State University (UNJ) academic Ubedilah Badrun said that the founders of the Republic of Indonesia along with the leaders of the Asian-African nations notched up a golden ink of world history.
They inspired the independence of the colonised nations through a new geopolitical consolidation at the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, West Java, in 1955.
The conference, which that produced the Dasa Sila Bandung or Bandung Declaration, built a substantial awareness about the importance of respecting human rights and the sovereignty of nations through a democratic system that is rooted in and led in the interests of the ordinary people.
"Today it is fitting for us to again ask about the significance of the Dasa Sila Bandung for the young people of Indonesia when the quality of democracy and the principles of the rule of law have declined", said Badrun.
Indonesia's history records that youth movements have always been a reminder and saviour of the nation, when we are dealing with various serious problems.
After 79 years of independence, young people have again echoed the voices of the ordinary people, precisely when the representative institutions of the people are not carrying out their functions as a counterweight to power under the rule of law.
In the last two years alone the #Reformasidikorupsi (Reform Corrupted 2019), #Mositidakpercaya (Motion of no Confidence, 2020), #Peringatandarurat (Emergency Warning, 2024), #KaburAjaDulu (Just Run Away, 2025) and #Indonesia Gelap (Dark Indonesia, 2025) movement have emerged.
"Young people and their aspirations are a national asset, because demographically they are 70% of the population of 282 million at this time. They support the elderly and younger population in [terms of] the economy, food, health, environmental preservation and state administration, as well as the maintenance of public ethics. In short, young people bear responsibility for the certainty of Indonesia's future", he explained.
At this time however they face multi-layered problems. These include, among other things, difficulties competing healthy to find decent jobs in line with their competency and living on imported staple foods because of the fragility of food security.
"Young people also do not have the opportunity to maximise the ability to produce science, technology and social knowledge of the humanities due to university bureaucratic barriers and limited funds", said Badrun.
More broadly, the poor find it difficult to obtain justice because of weak law enforcement guarantees. This is coupled with widespread and worsening environmental damage whose impact is more felt by those who do not speak out, the weak and the poor.
"The general public is being strangled due to the unclear conditions of aspects in the country's life. Restrictions on [free] expressions, including art, dim the passion for a life free from feelings of fear that should be the inspirator of national advancement", he continued.
Rationalisation of the youth and civil society movement
Young people are in motion voicing concerns about serious deviations in the direction of government policy which has been triggered by, among other things:
First, a lack of transparency and accountability in governance; a waste of the budget for lighthouse projects whose benefits are unclear; elections that are ridden with nepotism and conflicts of interest; extractive development policies that result in the loss of people's living space and; damage to the earth and the unsustainable destruction of biodiversity.
"Then, policies that tend to be instant; promises in the name of the interests of the people which are not realised; burgeoning debt, and the weakening of legal institutions resulting from the 1998 reformasi [political reform process] such as the Constitutional Court and the Corruption Eradication Commission [KPK]", Badrud explained.
Second, a model of administrative organisation without the principles of good management (good governance) that has continued over the first one hundred days of the new administration for the period 2024-2029.
Various instant programs have been run without adequate preparation or feasibility studies. As a result, a number of programs that should be used for the benefit of the ordinary people, have instead sacrificed the people.
"The response to the waves of protest on social media, efforts at improvement, are generally reactive and are not good solutions in the long term", he lamented.
Third, for the sake of smoothing the way for plans that strengthen power, the government has transformed various legal instruments. The House of Representatives (DPR) has approved and ratified these in the shortest possible time.
This means that the DPR does not heed the principles of checks and balances and the separation of state power as mandated under the Constitution, and the control mechanism of institutions that were expanded and upheld by the 1998 reformasi.
Fourth, populist policies interwoven with authoritarianism supported by the oligarchy that are increasingly eroding the principles of Indonesia as a constitutional state.
Fifth, the unsympathetic and irrational response of government officials to young people's criticisms show a failure a an enlightened leadership, let alone a paragon of virtue for people of all layers. Clearly, they have also failed to understand the nation's noble aspirations
Badrud then outlined the demands of the Second Salemba Call.
First, urging the government to truly fulfill the 13 points in the demands of the Indonesian student movement articulated in the "Dark Indonesia" actions.
Second, urging the DPR to work as government controller. That is, the DPR must heed its constitutional mandate as a counterweight to executive power; and avoid giving misleading interpretations in carrying out the actual function of legislation, supervision and budgeting.
"In order to gain public trust, the DPR and the government must carry out governance that is clean, transparent, accountable, smart and credible", suggested the former '98 activist.
The third demand, Badrud urged the president and the DPR to at this time stop producing or revising laws that are not based on assessments, responsible in-depth research and based on evidence from quality data, regulatory impact analysis and public participation.
Policy making cannot be based on improvised academic manuscripts which are just a condition of formality, let alone presenting academics simply to legalise the goal of power.
Fourth, urging the president and the DPR to review various policies, including those on behalf of budget efficiency, which have an impact on the significant reduction of public services. This is mainly but not limited to poor and vulnerable groups in the fields of health, energy resources, basic needs and education.
The broader impact of this can be seen in the inhibition of the development of science, job losses, the loss of opportunities for young people to compete without collusion and nepotism in getting work, as well as environmental damage due to excessive extraction and commercialisation without thinking about the future.
The fifth demand, urging the government to guarantee freedom of expression for its citizens as a form of respect for human rights and support for the opening up the creative potentials of the nation's children.
"Sixth, urging the president to be committed to the eradication of corruption without discrimination and investigate allegations of corruption and misuse of power during the previous administration. The assumption that law enforcement officials are selective can only be countered if the cases involving the previous authorities are also prosecuted", he explained.
Seventh, because damage to democracy has already occurred, and there is legal uncertainty, rampant corruption, economic deterioration and damage to the environment, the government needs to clearly and resolutely show the public that it has serious intent and will take concrete steps in the short and long term to improve the above situation.
The government and all related parties need to open space for dialogue that is transparent, substantial, meaningful and polite. Voices on social media, the mass media, academic forums and on the streets are the voice of the ordinary people's conscience who want and are endeavouring to fight for a better Indonesia.
"Indonesia was the host of the Asian-African Conference 70 years ago. Now Indonesia's young people are at the forefront in reminding and fighting for the spirit of Dasa Sila Bandung for Indonesia and the world. Indonesia must find a path of brightness out of the current dark situation", said Badrud.
Meanwhile the initiators of the Second Salemba Call include:
1. Prof. Harkristuti Harkrisnowo (University of Indonesia/UI)
2. Prof . Sulistyowati Irianto (UI)
Then listed alphabetically:
3. Prof. Andri G. Wibisana (UI)
4. Prof A. Prasetyantoko (Atma Jaya University, UAJ)
5. Alif Iman Nurlambang (Driyarkara College of Philosophy, STFD)
6. Andreas Harsono (journalist)
7. Dr. Antarini Arna (OXFAM researcher)
8. Arif Susanto (Paramadina University lecturer)
9. Arif Zulkifli (Press Council)
10. Prof. Armada Riyanto (Widya Sasana School of Philosophy and Theology (STFT) Malang)
11. Prof. Asvi Waman Adam (National Research and Innovation Agency, BRIN)
12. Ayu Utami (artist)
13. Prof Binsar J. Pakpahan (head of the Jakarta College of Theology)
14. Bivitri Susanti (lecturer, Jentera College of Law)
15. Dr. Budhy Munawar-Rachman (lecturer, STFD)
16. Dr. Budi Hernawan (lecturer, STFD)
17. Butet Kartaredjasa (artist)
18. Prof C.B. Mulyatno (Sanata Dharma University)
19. Prof. Daldiyono (UI)
20. Damairia Pakpahan (women's activist)
21. Prof. Damayanti Buchori (Bogor Institute of Agriculture, IPB)
22. Danang Widoyoko (secretary general, Transparency International Indonesia, TII)
23. Daniel Frits Maurits Tangkilisan (environmental activist)
24. Defani Shafa (student, UI)
25. Donny Danardono (lecturer, Soegijapranata University)
26. Dr. Dyah Wirastri (lecturer, UI)
27. Prof. E.P.D. Martasudjita (Sanata Darma University)
28. Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas (former UI Board of Trustees chairperson)
29. Dr. F. Budi Hardiman (lecturer, Pelita Harapan University, UPH)
30. Feri Amsari (lecturer, Andalas University)
31. Fidela Huwaida (student, ITB)
32. Dr. Fitzgerald K. Sitorus (lecturer, UPH)
33. Prof Francisia Saveria Sika Ery Seda (UI)
34. Prof. Hafid Abbas (Jakarta State University, UNJ)
35. Henny Supolo Sitepu (educational observer – Cahaya Guru)
36. Heru Hendratmoko (journalist)
37. Dr. Hilmar Farid (former director general for cultural affairs, Jakarta Academic Institute)
38. Dr. I Dewa Gede Palguna (former Constitutional Court justice and & Constitutional Court Honorary Council member)
39. Ika Ardina (activist)
40. Prof. Ikrar Nusabakti (BRIN)
41. Prof. Indang Trihandini (UI)
42. Ita Fatia Nadya (casual lecturer, Gaja Madah University, UGM)
43. Dr. Iva Kasuma (lecturer, UI)
44. Jilal Mardhani (CEO Neraca Ruang)
45. Dr. Johannes Haryatmoko (lecturer STFD and UI cultural science faculty)
46. John Muhammad (urban researcher)
47. Julius Ibrani (director, Indonesian Legal Aid and Human Rights Association, PBHI)
48. Dr. Karlina Supelli (STFD)
49. Afif Fahreza (IPB student)
50. Linda Hoemar (Indonesian Arts Coalition chairperson)
51. Lukman Hakim Saifuddin (former Religious Affairs Minister)
52. Luviana Ariyanti (journalist)
53. Prof. Manneke Budiman (UI )
54. Prof. Marcus Priyo Gunarto (UGM)
55. Maria Hartiningsih (former Kompas journalist)
56. Prof. Maria W Soemardjono (UGM)
57. Marzuki Darusman (former Attorney General)
58. Mas Achmad Santosa (environmental expert, UI casual lecturer)
59. Prof. Mayling-Oey Gardiner (UI)
60. Prof. Melani Budianta (UI)
61. Prof. Mudji Sutrisno (STFD)
62. Prof. Mukhtasar Syamsuddin (UGM)
63. Prof. Multamia Lauder (UI)
64. Prof. Musdah Mulia (UIN)
65. Natalia Soebagjo (TII)
66. Dr. Neng Dara Affiah (lecturer UIN)
67. Nong Darol Mahmada (activist)
68. Nugroho Dewanto (author)
69. Dr. Omi Komaria Madjid (Paramadina University)
70. Prof. Prof. Otib Satibi (UNJ)
71. Dr. Otto Gusti Madung (former Ledalero School of Philosophy rector)
72. Prof Premana W. Premadi (ITB)
73. Prof. Ramlan Surbakti (Airlangga University)
74. Ratna Saptari (lecturer Leiden University/UI)
75. Ray Rangkuti (observer)
76. Restu Pratiwi (healthcare activist)
77. Riris Toha Sarumpaet (UI)
78. Prof. Rosari Saleh (UI)
79. Dr. Ruth Indiah Rahayu, (Driyarkara Alumni Association chairperson)
80. Saidiman Ahmad (observer, author)
81. Prof Saiful Mujani (UIN)
82. Dr. Sandra Hamid (director American Indonesian Exchange Foundation AMINEF/Fullbright)
83. Sandra Moniaga (former National Human Rights Commission, Komnas HAM)
84. Dr. Simon Petrus Lili Tjahjadi (STFD)
85. Dr. Sukidi (Muhammadiyah intelectual)
86. Dr. Suraya Affif (lecturer, UI)
87. Dr.Suzie Sudarman (lecturer UI)
88. Prof. Teddy Prasetyono (UI)
89. Theresia Iswarini (former commissioner of National Commission on Violence Against Women, Komnas Perempuan)
90. Prof. Todung Mulya Lubis (human rights activist and academic)
91. Tunggal Pawestri (women's activist)
92. Tirta Wening (lecturer UI)
93. Ubedilah Badrun (academic, UNJ)
94. Usman Hamid (Amnesty International Indonesia executive director, lecturer STH/Jentera)
95. Prof. Valina Singka (UI)
96. Wahyu Susilo (Migrant Care)
97. Yanuar Nugroho (STFD)
98. Prof. Yunita Winarto, Ph.D (UI)
99. Yustinus Prastowo (Dosen STFD)
100. Yvonne Nafi (lecturer UI)
101. Zumrotin K. Susilo (former Komnas HAM chairperson)
– Reporting by Asrul Rizal
[Translated by James Balowski. The original title of the article was "Seruan Salemba Kedua, Bebaskan Indonesia dari Gelap".]
Source: https://www.kedaipena.com/seruan-salemba-kedua-bebaskan-indonesia-dari-gelap/
